The 6th September Demands

By Sohail Parwaz

The 6^th of September is not just a calendar date to be remembered. It’s now recalled as the fortitude symbol. Fifty years have passed. Those, who born during 1965 are now knocking at the doors of old age. A couple of decades more and then may be no one would be there to relate or recount the firsthand account of this heroic and fearless battle which our gallant troops fought against a three times large adversary. For quite a long time our enemy India kept her face buried in shame and humiliation for two reasons; first they had no justification for this unprovoked and unannounced war and secondly despite waging an surprise war with an army much larger than its neighbor, the Indian government and the forces were disgraced and ruthlessly mortified. Nevertheless, with the passage of time the followers of Chanakya reverted to their conventional unethical tactics and instead of fighting an open war, they opted to fight a war of conspiracies and ploys which they had been doing since centuries against the Muslims like Haider Ali, Tipu Sultan and many others. There was no dearth of conscienceless scum like Mir Jaffar and Mir Sadiq who claimed to be Muslims and were available even now with new names and faces. After an unethical success in East Pakistan for which the shameless Indians proudly took a credit, our cunning neighbor started looking for more ‘Mirs’ in Pakistan and to their delight and contentment they found ample of them, beyond their expectations.

The Indians planned a parallel war; on media as well as on diplomatic front. In media they easily found the stuff for sale; the people who were otherwise average and so called journalists and were not worth given a damn about and in the political circles they spotted the politicians who were more interested in developing their personal business relations and ties with the Indian counterparts than solving the core issues like Kashmir and Baglihar Dam. Incidentally the combo worked and what they were gaining on political front was blown out of proportion through their media stooges. Gradually and discreetly they developed a force of disgraceful fifth columnists that was tasked to ridicule and belittle the armed forces of Pakistan and especially the Army, criticize them on every forum and front, target them and demonize them. These pseudo intellectuals also known as the liberals gleefully obeyed their masters merely for money and liquor. Many of them were caught red handed several times coming out of the Indian High Commission function after attending wet parties.

These disgraceful parasites, which are living and eating in Pakistan, have a lot of filth and venom to spit against the armed forces of the country but when it comes to praising the sons of the soil, one will find them short of words; may it is operation Zarb e Azb or the war against the economic terrorism. One will suddenly find them vanishing from the social sites like Twitter and Facebook which are otherwise choked with their mudslinging against the armed forces. These paid agents have another smart strategy to follow and that’s to utter every derogatory word against Pakistan and its armed forces in the name of media freedom but whenever they are rebutted or countered they make hue and cry and propagate that paid writers and journalists are writing on the behest of the army and ISI. They make these accusations without looking at their own self and characterless behavior. Well, once it comes to that then one prefers and takes pride in writing for his courageous and chivalrous forces and ISI then writing for the iniquitous and impious enemy India and its notorious agency RAW. Interestingly, they have been tasked to defame Pakistan army and distort the history of September 65 War as well and soon people will find these moles out of their holes.

The time has finally come to put these fifth columnists back in their shoes. It’s high time to fight a war against the media terrorists, after a successful war against the war on terror and an ongoing war against the economic terrorism. No one has any validation to stay in Pakistan and talk against this land of pure and its sacred organisations. If it really bothers them then they may feel free to leave Pakistan and go to their ‘Nanihaal’ (maternal land).

The historic day of 6^th September demands that these subverting elements be put back to the place they belong and that’s the bottom-line.

‘Hypocrite Personality’ of Indian P.M. Modi

By Sajjad Shaukat

The leader of the Indian ruling party BJP and Prime Minister of India, Narendra Modi has crossed the limits in implementing the internal and external policies of his country in accordance with the agenda of fundamentalist outfits which follow the ideology of Hindutva (Hindu nationalism). In this regard, background of the Indian Prime Minister Modi which shows his ‘hypocrite personality’, needs attention.

It is mentionable that on the basis of anti-Muslim and anti-Pakistan slogans, BJP got a land sliding victory in the Indian elections 2014, and enabled Modi to become Indian prime minister. Hence, he is giving impetus to Hindu chauvinism against Pakistan, as under his directions, New Delhi accelerated unprovoked firing at the Line of Control in Kashmir and Working Boundary across Pak-Indian border, even without bothering for nuclear war.

While, Indian Defence Minister, Manohar Parrikar, using the Hindi phrase “kante se kanta nikalna’ (removing a thorn with a thorn) assertively said on May 23, 2015, “We have to neutralize terrorists through terrorists only…there are certain things that I obviously cannot discuss.”

In this respect, while addressing a ceremony during his Bangladesh tour, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi openly stated on June 7, 2015 that Indian forces helped Mukti Bahini to turn East Pakistan into Bangladesh. He elaborated that former prime minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee had played an active role in separating Bangladesh from Pakistan, and he had also come to Delhi in 1971 to participate in the Satyagraha Movement, launched by Jana Sangh as a volunteer to garner support for the Mukti Bahini members.  

It is mentionable that during his visit to Arab countries, Indian Prime Minister Modi asked United Arab Emirates (UAE) authorities, if all the Arab countries including Saudi Arabia show indifferent attitude to Pakistan on defence matters, then India will extend full cooperation to them on all defence related matters including Yemen. But Saudi Arabian King made it clear that Saudi Arabia would never allow any Modi-led conspiracy against Pakistan to succeed, while, Saudi Arabia has informed Pakistan government and defence authorities about it. Notably, Modi refused to wear a cap presented by Muslims during election campaign. But, during is trip to the UAE, he visited a mosque, while putting on Muslim prayer cap, which shows his ‘hypocrisy’.

Under Narendra Modi’s instructions, brutal killings of innocent Kashmiris by Indian forces in the Indian–occupied Kashmir has also been intensified, while, New Delhi is also using delaying tactics in resolving this dispute with Islamabad through negotiations. In this regard, in an article titled “After Ufa” by A G Noorani, published in Dawn on September 5, 2015 wrote, “Farooq Abdullah told a former chief of RAW, A.S. Dulat, I’m not like father; I don’t intend to spend 23 years in jail. I’ve figured out that to remain in power here, you have to be on the right side of Delhi and that’s what I’m going to do—significantly, of late Kashmiri boys involved in militancy are more highly educated and from better stock—the Modi government is unlikely to reach out to Kashmiris to address their concerns. Their only hope lay in improvement in relations between Pakistan and India. The fortnight after Ufa has shattered it”.

And, it is also strange that US government denied visa to Modi on the basis of his involvement in Gujrat pogrom, however, after his election as Indian prime minister, American stance changed to his favour. Undoubtedly, more than 2500 Muslims were massacred in 2002 in the BJP-ruled Indian state of Gujara where Modi was Chief Minister. Therefore, someone has rightly called him as ‘Butcher of Gujrat’. In relation to that massive genocide, both Human Rights Watch in 2002 and Amnesty International in 2003 charged the “Gujarat state administration” for involvement in “a massive cover-up of the state’s role in that massacre” and pointed out numerous “police officials—specifically ministers, high officials and leaders of the extremist parties VHP, BJP and Bajrang Dal as participants.”

Besides, Modi played his role in the release of Swami Aseemanand, a Hindu right-wing leader who had already confessed during a court hearing that he and Indian Lt. Col. Purohit, including several RSS preachers were directly involved in planning, financing and executing Malegaon, Samjhauta Express, Ajmer and Mecca Masjid blasts. Especially, Modi governmet nurtures cold blooded murderers who burnt alive innocent Pakistanis in Samjhota Express.

It is noteworthy that the constitution declares India to be a secular state, granting equal rights to the religious minorities, but in practice, ideology of Hindutva which is genesis of Indian internal and external policies is being blindly followed by the Indian Prime Minister Modi by indicating the features of his complex personality. Hindu politics and culture, dominated by the fundamentalist parties such as BJP, RSS VHP, Bajrang Dal, Shiv Sena and other extremist outfits have been propagating Hindutva. Provocative utterances of their extremist leaders have resulted into unending violence against the Muslim and Christians including other minority groups.

Since the leader of the Hindu fundamentalist party, BJP Narendra Modi became the Indian Prime, Indian society is rapidly radicalizing, as unprecedented rise of Hindu extremism, persecution of minorities, forced conversions of other religious minorities, particularly of Christians and Muslims into Hindus, attacks on their places of worships, ban on beef and cow slaughter, inclusion of Hindu religious books in curriculum and creation of war-like situation with Pakistan have been accelerated because, Modi is  encouraging all Hindu fundamentalist groups in this connection. These nefarious moves have put questions about India under Modi’s leadership.

In fact, Narendra Modi who was also a volunteer worker of the extremist Hindu terrorist outfit RSS since 8 years of age is a natural born Hindu militant, while RSS was involved in  genocide, rape of women, demolition of mosques and alive burnings of the innocent persons. Now, he is acting upon the sinister agenda of the BJP and other fundamentalist parties against Christians and other minorities as well. Besides persecution of Muslims, in the recent past, assaults on Christians, their churches and property have been executed by the Hindu mobs in various cities of India. In this regard, frequent incidents of gang rape, especially the rape of elderly Nun shows the ugly face of India, under Modi.

Recall that on November 7, 2011, leader of the VHP, Pravin Togadia, in his furious speech questioned the past of Muslims and Christians, and further gave a call to Hindus to capture the Islamic holy places in Arab and Vatican of Europe. In one way or the other, Indian present prime minister is pursuing this advice.

However, if the US and other western countries do not take cognizance of Modi’s extremist policies, the same will destabilize and radicalize the whole region by giving a greater setback to their interests in wake of global war against terrorism.

Nevertheless, the features of Narendra Modi’s personality are questionable, as he has proved himself a real ‘hypocrite’ by controlling Indian internal and external policies through Hindu terrorism or nationalism in the ongoing era of social media, liberalism, moderation, economic development and peaceful settlement of disputes.

Sajjad Shaukat writes on international affairs and is author of the book: US vs Islamic Militants, Invisible Balance of Power: Dangerous Shift in International Relations

Email: sajjad_logic@yahoo.com

India Under P.M. Modi

By Sajjad Shaukat

Since the leader of the Hindu fundamentalist party, BJP Narendra Modi became the Prime Minister of India; Indian society is rapidly radicalizing, as unprecedented rise of Hindu extremism, persecution of minorities, ban on beef and cow slaughter, inclusion of Hindu religious books in curriculum and creation of war-like situation with Pakistan have been accelerated. These nefarious moves have put questions about India under P.M. Modi.

While, the constitution declares India to be a secular state, granting equal rights to the religious minorities, but in practice, ideology of Hindutva (Hindu nationalism) prevails. Hindu politics and culture, dominated by the fundamentalist parties such as BJP, RSS VHP, Bajrang Dal, Shiv Sena and other extremist outfits have been propagating Hindutva. Provocative utterances of their extremist leaders have resulted into unending violence against the Muslim and Christians including other minority groups.

Radicalization of India by Hindu fanatic parties could be judged from various recent developments. On May 28, 2014, Rashtriya Hindu Andolan, a Mangalore-based Hindutva outfit and activists from various right wing groups organized a protest in Mangalore in front of the office of Deputy Commissioner by demanding the authorities to ban the morning Muslim call to prayer (Azan) across the country. Besides, forcing the Muslim employee in a Parliament Canteen by BJP leader to break his fast by stuffing piece of bread in his mouth, statement of Deputy Chief of Goa, declaring India as a Hindu state, opposition to declaration of Sania Mirza as Ambassador of Indian state by calling her daughter-in-law of Pakistan might be cited as example.

In this regard, in September 13, 2008, the communal riots in Uttar Pradesh killed more than 200 Muslims. In one of the most tragic incidents in Assam, Hindu extremists burnt alive six members of a Muslim family.

Similarly, in the recent years, assaults on Christians, their churches and property have been executed by the Hindu mobs in various cities of India. In this respect, at least 100 Christians have been assassinated by Hindu extremists, mostly in the state of Orissa. In the recent past, frequent incidents of gang rape, specially the rape of elderly Nun shows the ugly face of India, under Modi.

Other anti-Muslim incidents like the discovery of the unmarked graves of thousands of the innocent Kashmiris, killed by the Indian security forces in the Indian-held Kashmir, pre-planned destruction of the Babri Masjid (mosque) in 1992, and participants of the Indian high officials in the events especially be cited as instance. Particularly, brutal killings of innocent Kashmiris by Indian forces –an Israeli pattern followed on instructions of Modi/ BJP continues unabated.

It is mentionable that forced conversions of other religious minorities into Hindus also continue. In this regard, Bajrang Dal, an offshoot of the RSS, converted at least 57 Muslim families (200 people) into Hindus at a ‘Purkhon Ki Ghar Vapsi’ (Coming home of the ancestors) or Shudhi (Purification) ceremony in Agra, Uttar Pradesh.

Previously, in early September 2014, Christians were also forcefully converted to Hindus which created unrest among Christian clergy. Four months ago, a similar event in Aligarh saw Christian families converting to Hinduism. However, since installment of BJP government in the center, RSS and its offshoots have accelerated their efforts for minorities’ conversion into Hindus.

As regards persecution of minorities in India, Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission Testimony by Human Rights Watch presented before US Senate Committee (2014) on atrocious attitude of Hindu majority has highlighted the plight of minorities in India.

It is of particular attention that on November 7, 2011, leader of the VHP, Pravin Togadia, in his furious speech questioned the past of Muslims and Christians, and further gave a call to Hindus to capture the Islamic holy places in Arab and Vatican of Europe.

But, it is strange that US government denied visa to Modi on the basis of his involvement in Gujrat pogrom, however, after his election as Indian prime minister, American changed to his favour. Undoubtedly, more than 2500 Muslims were massacred in 2002 in the BJP-ruled Indian state of Gujara where Modi was Chief Minister. Therefore, someone has rightly called him as ‘Butcher of Gujrat’.

In relation to that massive genocide, both Human Rights Watch in 2002 and Amnesty International in 2003 charged the “Gujarat state administration” for involvement in “a massive cover-up of the state’s role in that massacre” and pointed out numerous police officials—specifically ministers, high officials and leaders of the VHP, BJP and Bajrang Dal as participants.”

It is noteworthy that particularly, on the basis of anti-Muslim and anti-Pakistan slogans, BJP got a land sliding triumph in the Indian elections 2014, and enabled BJP hardliner, Narendra Modi to become Indian prime minister who is implementing his party’s agenda. Therefore, he is also giving impetus to Hindu chauvinism against Pakistan, as under his direction, New Delhi has intensified unprovoked firing at the Line of Control in Kashmir and Working Boundary across Pak-Indian border.

Besides, Modi refused to wear a cap presented by Muslims during election campaign. But, during is trip to the United Arab Emirates, he visited a mosque, while putting on Muslim prayer cap, which shows his ‘hypocrisy”.

Notably, Indian Defence Minister, Manohar Parrikar, while using the Hindi phrase “kante se kanta nikalna’ (removing a thorn with a thorn) assertively said on May 23, 2015, “We have to neutralize terrorists through terrorists only…why does my soldier have to do it…the issue could not be discussed beyond this…there are certain things that I obviously cannot discuss here.”

In this context, while addressing a ceremony during his Bangladesh tour, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi openly stated on June 7, this year that Indian forces helped Mukti Bahini to turn East Pakistan into Bangladesh. He elaborated that former prime minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee had played an active role in separating Bangladesh from Pakistan, and he had also come to Delhi in 1971 to participate in the Satyagraha Movement, launched by Jana Sangh as a volunteer to garner support for the Mukti Bahini members. But, Indian former Army Chief Gen. VK Singh confessed that during his tenure, he supervised special army unit, Tactical Support Division (TSD) on the instructions of the then defence minister to sponsor subversive activities in Pakistan, particularly Balochistan, and to bribe the Kashmiri leaders.  

Recently, Modi played his role in the release of Swami Aseemanand, a Hindu right-wing leader who had already confessed during a court hearing that he and Indian Lt. Col. Purohit, including several RSS preachers were directly involved in planning, financing and executing Malegaon, Samjhauta Express, Ajmer and Mecca Masjid blasts. Especially, Modi governmet nurtures cold blooded murderers who burnt alive innocent Pakistanis in Samjhota Express.

In fact, Modi who was also a volunteer worker of the extremist Hindu terrorist outfit RSS since 8 years of age is a natural born Hindu extremist, while RSS involved in Muslim genocide, rape of women, demolition of mosques and alive burnings of the innocent persons.

However, these blatant admissions clearly prove that New Delhi has been sponsoring worse kinds of terrorism inside Pakistan, and India. Hence, it is the right hour that the West and especially the US must abandon its double standard by taking appropriate steps against India. Otherwise, dangerous radicalization of India by Hindu extremists, under Modi’s rule may cause World War 111 or clash of civilizations in wake of global war against terrorism.

Sajjad Shaukat writes on international affairs and is author of the book: US vs Islamic Militants, Invisible Balance of Power: Dangerous Shift in International Relations

Email: sajjad_logic@yahoo.com

9/11 Tragedy & US Misperceptions about Pakistan

By Sajjad Shaukat

The grim tragedy the United States suffered on September 11, 2001 through suicidal bombings on World Trade Center and Pentagon resulted into the death of more than 55000 persons. In the aftermath, the US held Al Qaeda chief Osama Bin Laden responsible for the incident, and attacked Afghanistan where he had taken shelter.

A majority of the small and major countries joined American global war on terror, and Pakistan also joined it as the frontline state because the country was not only facing acute financial crisis, but also hostile factor of India. Pakistan was also granted the status of non-NATO ally by Washington because of its successes, achieved by Pakistan’s Army and country’s Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) against the Al Qaeda militants. Within a few years, when the US-led NATO forces felt that they are failing in coping with the stiff resistance of the Taliban in Afghanistan, they started accusing Pak Army and ISI of supporting the Afghan Taliban. US high officials and their media not only blamed Pakistan for cross-border terrorism in Afghanistan, but also presumed that a plot to attack the US homeland would be prepared in FATA where safe-havens of Al Qaeda exist. They also emphasized Pakistan to ‘do more’ against the militants coupled with drone attacks on Pakistan’s tribal areas by ignoring the internal backlash in the country.

And without informing Pakistan, a helicopters-raid of the US covert forces killed top Al Qaeda leader Osama Bin Laden in Abbottabad, Pakistan, on May 2, 2011. His death triggered celebrations across the US, India, Israel and some western countries–by ignoring Pakistan’s sacrifices, during war against terrorism—deliberate propaganda campaign started against Islamabad. In this context, a blame game against Pakistan Army and ISI was revived by them. They said that Bin Laden lived in Pakistan compound—5 to 6 years, and as to why Pakistan’s security and intelligence agencies were unaware of his presence.

It is mentionable that during war against terrorism, Pakistan sacrificed more than any country in terms of collateral damage, economic losses and political instability. While Pakistan faced a continued wave of suicide attacks, bomb blasts and targeted killings.

However, in its misperceptions, especially, the US ignored the sacrifices of the Pakistan’s armed forces which had broken the backbone of the Taliban militants through successful Swat and Malakand military operations, while ISI had arrested renowned Taliban commanders including other militants and masterminds of Al Qaeda, namely Abu Zubaida, Khalfan, Abu Hamza Rabia, Mullah Abdul Ghani Bardar etc. In this respect, the then Interior Minister, Rehman Malik stated on, May 2, 2011 that ISI has castigated more than 2,000 suicide attacks. In this context, on the one side, American high officials admired Pakistan, while on the other; they continued their blame game against Pakistan’s security forces and intelligence agencies.

It is notable that the then Director General of ISI, Ahmed Shuja Pasha pointed out that Osama’s compound in Abbottbad was registered under a fake name. He elaborated that after the Tora Bora operation, Osama Bin Laden became an enemy of Pakistan. He was living in a residential area and it was not in the knowledge of the agency. Besides, the ex-Pakistan’s Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani and Army Spokesman Maj-General Athar Abbas (R) also refuted foreign allegations in connection with Osama and ISI.

It is worth-mentioning that Bin Laden was living in the Abbotabad compound, and despite its vast resources, technical intelligence e.g. satellites, unmanned aerial vehicles and human intelligence—extraordinary long-range aerial military capacity, the ability to strike at will from the space at any point on the globe, US secret agencies, CIA and FBI failed in detecting his presence in Pakistan and destroying Al Qaeda’s terrorist network in the ten years of America’s war against terrorism. Similarly question also arises about the September 11 suicide attacks. It was described as the greatest intelligence failure of the American spy agencies. However, compound where Osama Bin Laden was living was a norm rather than exception. A number of people have been living in the neighbourhood of that compound at Abbottabad. While, Pakistan’s various television channels showed the interviews of the neighbourers, living there, who remarked that they were never suspicion about Osama’s presence. So ISI did not have a magic to know the whereabouts of Bin Laden there. It was also not possible for this spy agency to check all the houses of Pakistan or to interfere in peoples’ privacy so as to find out Bin Laden.

In fact, US, India and Israel wanted to fulfill a number of clandestine aims by continuing their propaganda against Pakistan. Notably, American cost of war against terrorism had reached 8 trillion dollars, and was increasing rapidly—acute recession inside the country had given a greater blow to the US economy. In that scenario, American public was particularly worried about the failed campaign in Afghanistan. So Osama’s episode could be used to distract the attention of its general masses from internal crisis, and for re-election of Obama as President.

Similarly, under the pretext of Osama’s demise, and with the tactical support of America, India and Israel which had well-established their covert network in Afghanistan intended to implement their hidden agenda to destabilize Pakistan, Iran and China by assisting the insurgency against these countries.

In this connection, since 9/11 catastrophe, by availing that golden opportunity, both India and Israel which had joined the Bush’s anti-terrorism campaign to crush the wars of liberation, being waged by the Kashmiris and the Palestinians, intensified their state terrorism to keep their occupation on these territories. They have continuously been exploiting the world phenomena of terrorism and anti-Muslim approach of the west so as to obtain their nefarious designs. In this regard, Indo-Israel lobbies which are penetrated in the US Administration and are working in other western countries became pro-active to manipulate the war on terror. Pakistan which is the only nuclear country in the Muslim World, having close ties with China is another major target of the Indo-Israeli secret diplomacy. The fact of the matter is that New Delhi and Tel Aviv are collectively exploiting the double standards of the west in relation to terrorism and human rights vis-à-vis Pakistan, China and Iran.

While, the capability of Pakistan’s Armed Forces could be judged from the one year progress of the ongoing military operation Zarb-e-Azb which started on Jun 15, 2014 against the militants in North Waziristan Agency (NWA).

On June 10, this year, while showing the progress of the Zarb-e-Azb, Chief of Army Staff, Gen. Raheel Sharif said, “Terrorists have been cleared from their strongholds in North Waziristan and Khyber Agency and fight now is moving into last few pockets close to Afghan border.” He laid emphasis on “continuation of the operations till elimination of the last expected and probable terrorists groups and sanctuaries.” While addressing a ceremony of the golden jubilee celebrations the 1965 war regarding Pakistan’s victory and defeat of India, Gen. Raheel again said on September 6, this year, operation Zarb-i-Azb was launched at a time when terrorist networks had solidified in the country that the Armed Forces had been fighting an untraditional war for the past many years, elaborating, “our success is the result of our martyrs and ghazis—in Karachi and Balochistan, peace has returned, where militants have been surrendering their arms.”

Nevertheless, since June 15, 2014, the jets of Pakistan Air Force have bombed militants’ hideouts in North Waziristan, and killed thousands of insurgents including foreign militants, while Pak Army has also killed several terrorists through ground offensive and many of them surrendered before the Army. While, ISI and other law-enforcing agencies captured several terrorists in various regions of Pakistan, including suicide-jackets and weapons—thus thwarted their pre-subversive acts. They have successfully broken the network of the terrorists.

During the 14th anniversary of the 9/11 incident, its is of particular attention that what the US-led NATO countries could not do in Afghanistan, and America in other volatile countries in the last 14 years, Pakistan’s Armed Forces have done in one year against the terrorists. Therefore, US and other western countries have started appreciating the capabilities of Pakistan Army and other security agencies, and are, now, recognizing the sacrifices of the country against terrorism. They also recognize the fact that terrorism or stability in Pakistan and Afghanistan is interrelated.

It is regrettable that New Delhi is destabilizing the regional countries in general and Afghanistan and Pakistan in particular. In order to obtain its secret designs, aimed at augmenting Indian hegemony in the region, India is foiling the peace process between Afghanistan and Pakistan by managing terrorist attacks like the recent ones in Afghanistan and Pakistan to create a rift between Islamabad and Kabul, and to sabotage the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC).

Moreover, on the direction of the Indian leader of the fundamentalist party BJP and Prime Narendra Modi Indian forces have accelerated unprovoked shelling across the Line of Control and Working Boundary, while creating war-like situation between Pakistan and India.

Taking note of these developments, a change has occurred in Americans towards Islamabad, who know that stability in this region is essential for American global interests. Besides, these developments also rectify the US misperceptions by proving that Pakistan’s Army and ISI which have successfully been coping with terrorism and Al Qaeda had no knowledge about Osama Bin Laden’s presence in Abbottabad.

Sajjad Shaukat writes on international affairs and is author of the book: US vs Islamic Militants, Invisible Balance of Power: Dangerous Shift in International Relations

Email: sajjad_logic@yahoo.com

Losing the narrative

By Munir Akram

In a review of Anatol Lieven’s book Pakistan: A Hard Country, in the Guardian of May 1, 2011, Pankaj Mishra wrote:

“[…] [A]n un-blinkered vision of South Asia would feature a country whose fanatically ideological government in 1998 conducted nuclear tests, threatened its neighbour with all-out war and, four years later, presided over the massacre of 2,000 members of a religious minority. Long embattled against secessionist insurgencies […], the ‘flailing’ state […] now struggles to contain a militant movement in its heartland. It is also where thousands of women are killed every year for failing to bring sufficient dowry and nearly 200,000 farmers have committed suicide in the past decade.” Mishra added: “This country is not Pakistan; it is India.”

The review noted that India has revamped its Western image in a most successful rebranding and through one of “the cleverest PR campaigns.” On the other hand, Pakistan (which both Lieven and Christophe Jaffrelot, in his book The Pakistan Paradox, describe as a country with a surprisingly resilient society and institutions, despite a history of mis-governance) seems to have “lost the narrative”.

The joint statement issued in Ufa is the clearest and most recent confirmation of this unfortunate reality.

Normalisation between Pakistan and India is an imperative. But this can be achieved only if Pakistan pursues an equal relationship with clarity, confidence and persistence.

Normalisation between Pakistan and India can be achieved only if Pakistan pursues an equal relationship.

In recent interactions with India, Pakistan’s political leaders have displayed none of these attributes. They are being played like a fiddle by Modi.

Below are the essential aims Pakistan needs to project and promote vis-à-vis India.

Military balance:

India’s current military build-up poses an ever growing threat to Pakistan’s security and needs to be neutralised, either through arms control or a reciprocal defensive build-up.

To those, like the US, who argue that this is not aimed against Pakistan, it should be sufficient to point out that almost all of India’s capabilities are deployed against Pakistan; its military doctrines are Pakistan-specific; and threats of aggression against Pakistan are persistent and current.

Pakistan should propose bold and specific arms-control measures to India, bilaterally and through multilateral channels. The onus for refusal should rest on New Delhi. Simultaneously, Pakistan cannot be deterred by Western admonishments from taking measures, including short- and long-range missiles, to deter Indian aggression or adventurism.

Kashmir:

Kashmir remains a flashpoint for another Pakistan-India conflict. It cannot be put on a back channel. The ongoing exchanges along the Line of Control can easily escalate. Modi’s policies virtually ensure that, sooner rather than later, there will be another Kashmiri revolt. Islamabad would not be able to restrain support flowing to a new Kashmiri insurgency even if it wanted to. It is for New Delhi to halt its repression and human rights abuses, de-militarise Kashmir and engage in a constructive dialogue with Pakistan. This can avert a Kashmiri eruption and a Pakistan-India crisis.

Terrorism:

Pakistan is the major victim of terrorism in South Asia, with by some accounts 50,000 casualties since the US-led incursion into Afghanistan. Much of this terrorism has been sponsored or supported by India, as admitted recently by BJP leaders. India should not be allowed to adopt the victim’s mantle.

In Ufa, Pakistan should have insisted on reflecting Indian support to the Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA) and the Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), insisted on an inquiry into the Samjhauta Express incident, and clarified that the legitimate Kashmiri struggle for self-determination does not amount to terrorism.

Trade and investment:

Trade with India can be mutually beneficial, especially in the exchange of natural resources and food, gas and energy supplies (from Iran and Central Asia). In manufactures, India competes with Pakistan and enjoys the advantage of size and a host of protections.

Similarly, the Indian investment regime is far more restrictive than that of Pakistan. The field has to be levelled before bilateral trade and investment can be fully opened.

Transit:

Transit through Pakistan to central and west Asia is a major Indian priority (although it is building an alternate route from Chabahar in Iran). Pakistan cannot provide such transit to India until the issue of Indian subversion through the BLA and the TTP has been resolved. Even after that, Pakistan should pose two conditions: one, that the upgradation of transit facilities involved should be financed by India or the regional countries involved (as China is doing on the Economic Corridor); and, two, that Pakistan should be accorded reciprocal rights for transit to Nepal and Bangladesh through India.

Water:

Access to water is fast emerging as an existential issue for Pakistan (and for India). To avoid food and ecological disasters, and a possible conflict, it has become vital for the two countries to live up to the principle of the equitable sharing of water enshrined in the Indus Waters Treaty. Pakistan must secure this aim bilaterally and through all available international avenues.

Composite agenda:

It is self-evident that all the issues between Pakistan and India are interlinked and interdependent. Progress on some will facilitate movement on others; and vice versa. The security issue and Kashmir were rightly accorded higher priority when the agenda for the composite dialogue was framed. The rationale for this priority is, if anything, more compelling today. It is purblind to restrict attention to terrorism only.

Foreign policy management:

The foreign policy lapse reflected in the Ufa statement is, unfortunately, not an isolated incident. There have been several other demonstrations of a naïve and simplistic approach to foreign affairs.

As has been noted in the Pakistani media, it reflects a dysfunction. The current complex structure at the apex of the foreign ministry is no doubt a major problem. An even larger problem is the inability of the professional foreign service to render good advice to the political leadership and/or the unwillingness of the leadership to accept it.

It is imperative to ‘normalise’ the structure, restore the primacy of the professional foreign service, integrate the security establishment into policymaking and appoint someone with the experience and independence required to formulate and project a foreign policy that reflects Pakistan’s vital interests and objectives and preserves its dignity.

Double diplomatic collapse

By Munir Akram

Pakistan’s diplomatic initiatives with Afghanistan and India have both collapsed.

Afghanistan’s President Ghani and Pakistan’s prime minister and army chief were sincere in desiring normalisation. The implicit bargain was that Pakistan would deliver the Afghan Taliban to the negotiating table while Afghanistan would act against Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) leaders and militants hiding in Afghan territory. Success would have implied: enhanced security within Pakistan from TTP-engineered terrorism and attacks by the Baloch Liberation Army (BLA), and an end to Indian pressure on Pakistan on the western front; the re-emergence of the Afghan Taliban as a political force in Kabul; and the complete withdrawal of foreign forces from Afghanistan.

It was evident from the outset that India and hostile elements in Afghanistan would work overtime to subvert this peace initiative. They appear to have succeeded.

The debacle on the west is intimately related to the disturbing developments in the east.

The Islamabad-Kabul understanding was based on over-optimistic expectations on both sides. Ghani’s ability to act against the TTP and the BLA was constrained by his lack of control of the Afghan security establishment, especially the National Directorate of Security (NDS) — Afghanistan’s intelligence agency — led by a Karzai holdover. Kabul proved unable (or unwilling) to kill, capture or expel Mullah Fazlullah and other TTP elements holed up in Afghanistan.

Similarly, Pakistan promised too much in offering to bring the Afghan Taliban to the negotiating table. To do so, Islamabad was obliged to revive or reveal its contacts with them. If the Kabul-Taliban talks had succeeded, few would have objected to the presence of Afghan Taliban leaders in Pakistan. Unfortunately, the revelation of Mullah Omar’s demise by the NDS upended the talks. (Pakistan’s failure was in either not knowing of Mullah Omar’s death or not preventing the NDS from gaining knowledge of this while senior Taliban commanders remained unaware.)

As no doubt anticipated by the NDS and its Indian patrons, a leadership struggle ensued between the ‘fight’ and the ‘fight and talk’ factions within the Taliban. To salvage the talks, Pakistan’s agencies attempted to hastily gather the Taliban leaders to select Omar’s deputy as the new Amirul Momineen, further exposing the relationship. But the Taliban’s fighting faction, freed of Mullah Omar’s ghost edicts supporting talks, and fearful of losing ground to the self-styled ‘Islamic State’ (IS), escalated its attacks within Afghanistan, particularly against targets in Kabul.

Under pressure to avoid blame for the security failures in Kabul, and aware that Islamabad was no longer able to deliver the Taliban to the negotiating table, President Ghani took the easy route of placing all the blame on Pakistan. His Aug 10 statement was indistinguishable from Karzai’s familiar diatribes against Pakistan. Chief Executive Abdullah and other factions joined him in whipping up the anti-Pakistan animus. The ‘gathering’ of Taliban leaders to choose Mullah Mansour as Omar’s successor was used as a basis to extrapolate that Pakistan maintained Taliban sanctuaries and bomb-making factories, and connived in the Taliban attacks. Ghani declared that he did not want Pakistan to bring the Taliban to the table but to “prosecute” them.

Kabul was the scene of orchestrated demonstrations against Pakistan, the burning of Pakistan’s national flag, calls for boycott of trade with and even ‘jihad’ against Pakistan. A demand was made that an Afghan delegation be immediately received by Pakistan’s prime minister and army chief.

Instead of protesting Kabul’s unsubstantiated charges and demanding an apology for the desecration of Pakistan’s national flag, Pakistan’s leadership meekly received the angry Afghan delegation to clear the “misunderstanding” ( to quote Sartaj Aziz).

Pakistan will be able to evoke respect for its national interests only if it respects its own dignity and honour. Pakistan should demand an apology from Kabul for the desecration of its national flag and a retraction of the wild accusations voiced by Ghani and other Afghan leaders. If they desire a trade boycott, Pakistan should fulfil their wish and halt all trans-shipment and transit until they reverse their hostility.

At the strategic level too, there is need for a careful policy review to deal with an Afghanistan that is likely to be embroiled in chaos and conflict for some time. Pakistan should: first, secure its border against TTP and BLA infiltration from Afghan territory; second, devise strategies to eliminate their safe havens in Afghanistan; third, promote coherence among the Afghan Taliban; and, fourth, work with China, Russia, the US, Iran and Saudi Arabia to resume the Kabul-Taliban talks and insulate Afghanistan from infiltration by the IS.

The debacle on the west is intimately related to the disturbing developments in the east. Apart from working to scuttle a Pakistan-Afghan rapprochement, India has rejected Pakistan’s endeavours to resume the ‘composite dialogue’ and exerted direct pressure on Pakistan to keep it on the diplomatic and military defensive — thus the Line of Control (LoC) violations, threatening statements and the hostile media and diplomatic campaigns.

Instead of a muscular response, Pakistan has virtually endorsed the Indian premises for normalisation in the Ufa statement by restricting the Pakistan-India talks to terrorism, evoking public denunciation within the country and disappointment from Kashmiri leaders.

The Gurdaspur incident, on the eve of the scheduled terrorism talks, is no accident. Indian agencies are past masters at stage-managing such events to suit their purpose. The Indian media has been unleashed to pin blame for this incident also on Pakistan. Yet, Pakistan’s national security adviser plans to walk blithely into this Indian entrapment in New Delhi next week.

The right response would be to: call off this ill-conceived exchange; respond effectively to the Indian media onslaught by projecting India’s support for the TTP and BLA and its historic role as a state sponsor of terrorism; protest formally to the UNMOGIP and the Security Council about India’s LoC violations; and raise India’s human rights violations in occupied Kashmir at the Human Rights Council and other international forums.

Instead of submitting to Modi’s agenda, Pakistan should remind the world that: Kashmir remains a nuclear flashpoint and must be addressed, bilaterally or multilaterally; that India’s arms build-up will oblige Pakistan to respond appropriately; and that the danger of a disastrous conflict can be avoided only through a comprehensive dialogue encompassing Kashmir and reciprocal arms control between Pakistan and India.

Back to the future

By Munir Akram

Pakistan's relations with India have returned to familiar hostility. The foreseeable future looks much the same. Normalising relations with Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the BJP government was never a likely prospect. The contrary anticipation in Islamabad was naive and delusional. Modi’s policies are driven by an ideology whose central tenet is the ‘Hinduisation’ of ‘Mother India’ which encompasses all of South Asia.

Pakistan’s eagerness to normalise relations with Modi’s India — attending his ‘inauguration’, pleading for revival of the ‘Composite Dialogue’, offering concessions on trade — were seen as signs of weakness and evidence of the differences between Pakistan’s civilian government and its ‘security establishment’. Not surprisingly, these overtures were met by intensified bullying and bluster from New Delhi.

Surprisingly, Islamabad suffered Indian insults — cancellation of the foreign secretary talks, unacceptable preconditions for restarting the Composite Dialogue, outrageous threats — in virtual silence. To add injury to insult, it accepted the skewed statement in Ufa restricting dialogue to terrorism.

India’s Western patrons point fingers at Pakistan’s defensive responses rather than the Indian military expansion.

When, in response to a domestic outcry, Pakistan’s government attempted to broaden the agenda of the planned talks between the national security advisers of the two countries, and to revive the tradition of meeting Kashmiri leaders, India issued an ultimatum opposing this, providing Islamabad a convenient excuse to cancel the ill-conceived meeting.

What will follow is a repetition of history: recrimination, rhetoric and rising tensions, manifested in at least four areas.

First: the military threat. Almost all of India’s existing and new military capabilities are being deployed against Pakistan. Doctrines of a ‘limited war’ and a ‘Cold Start’ (surprise) attack have been espoused by India’s military forces. To display his muscle, Modi may feel tempted at some point to test Pakistan’s mettle. The recent LoC violations may be an early test.

Pakistan is obliged to equip itself to deter and defend against such adventurism: modern tanks and aircraft are required to deter and defend against a conventional attack; short-range missiles to break up attacking Indian formations; long-range missiles to neutralise distant missile attack; a second strike capability to deter a pre-emptive strike.

Perversely, India’s Western patrons point fingers at Pakistan’s defensive responses rather than the Indian military expansion, which they myopically see as a counter to China’s rising power. Pakistan should demand that India’s major arms suppliers — the US, Israel and France — cease and desist, lest they destabilise deterrence and encourage another India-Pakistan war. Such a démarche can be accompanied by bold proposals for conventional and nuclear arms control, placing the onus for their rejection on India. 

Second: Kashmir. The Modi-BJP government policy is to eventually change the demographic and political status of India-held Kashmir. Partici­pation in the Srinagar coalition with Kashmiri collaborationists is a first step to this end. An attempt at trifurcation of Jammu and Kashmir is a likely next step.

Inevitably, these BJP moves will be met by strong resistance from the majority of Kashmiri Muslims and start another ‘intifada’. Equally inevitably, India would blame Pakistan for the insurrection, instigating a political and military crisis.

Pakistan should acknowledge that no compromise on Kashmir is possible with India at present. The possibility of a viable future settlement should not be eroded by offering pre-emptive concessions, merely to appear ‘reasonable’. The best defence is offence. Pakistan should revive the demand for implementation of the UN Security Council resolutions on Kashmir; raise India’s oppression of the Kashmiris in the Human Rights Council; call for the withdrawal of India’s 700,000 occupying force from India-held Kashmir; provide generous financial support to Kashmiri political parties seeking self-determination; invite them to meet in Pakistan or elsewhere and help to unify their struggle for freedom.

Third: Afghanistan. It must be anticipated that in the wake of the collapse of the Kabul-Taliban talks, India will intensify its campaign of destabilisation through enhanced support for the TTP and the Baloch insurgency from Afghanistan. Despite the recent rhetoric from President Ghani, Pakistan’s primary effort should be to help in promoting reconciliation in Afghanistan in exchange for Kabul’s action to neutralise the TTP and the Baloch Liberation Army (BLA). With appropriate incentives and pressure, the Afghan Taliban, under Mullah Mansour, can be persuaded to resume the talks with Kabul and perhaps to agree to a partial de-escalation of violence. However, Pakistan may have to consider unilateral action to root out the TTP from its safe havens in Afghanistan if Kabul and its allies prove unable or unwilling to do so. Such direct action is authorised under several resolutions of the Security Council.

Fourth: the media and diplomatic ‘war’. With active support from the Western media and think tanks, India has been hugely successful in portraying Pakistan as a failing state and the source of terrorism and nuclear proliferation. India’s monumental shortcomings and dysfunctionality remain well-hidden. New Delhi will no doubt now intensify this campaign to ‘isolate’ Pakistan.

Pakistan needs to activate its diplomatic and media machinery to counter this Indian campaign and regain the narrative. A viable way has to be found to conform with international legality regarding the Lashkar-e-Taiba. It will not be difficult to justify contacts with the Afghan Taliban if Pakistan is successful in securing resumption of the talks with Kabul.

These defensive steps should be accompanied by a campaign of offence. Apart from the actions suggested here on arms control and Kashmir, a systematic effort is required to expose India’s historical and current role as a state sponsor of terrorism. As a first step, the three dossiers prepared for the aborted NSA talks on India’s support for the TTP and BLA should be made public and circulated as official documents at the UN. Also, the scope and success of Pakistan’s anti-terrorist operation, Zarb-i-Azb, and NAP need to be more extensively projected to the world community and media.

Only once India realises that it cannot intimidate Pakistan into submission will it agree to negotiate normalisation on the basis of equality and rationality. This is unlikely until Modi and the BJP have passed from power. Pakistan has lived with Indian hostility for 68 years. While war must be avoided through deterrence and diplomacy, Pakistan can wait a while longer to establish a normal relationship with India.